I haven't written in a week but it's been a hectic time, too many deadlines and a few family issues to take care of.
This week I got the news that Philip Njaru, a friend and a
Cameroonian journalist I met the the just concluded Investigative journalism conference in Lille hammer had stayed in Norway and applied for asylum.
He now lives in an "asylum camp" was he waits authorities to grant him asylum. Njuaru has endured torture in the last six years from the Cameroon government for his reports on corruption. He's stories are moving and it's a shame Africa loses it's most needed asserts till this day- thanx for our authoritarian regimes.
Even in Norway Philip will need protection, because he is in somuch trouble with his own authorities because of his critical and investigative journalism. His family is still in Cameroon.
This is just a stop Phillip, I hope one day you come back to Cameroon to serve these people.
He's done some interesting investigations you can get his story on. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_Njaru
A UNICEF study claims former child soldiers are actually more likely to participate politically and socially than their peers who experienced violence, albeit not as soldiers.
If it's really true then it could give hope to the generation of children in northern Uganda who have never known peace. Some 5000 children who have been rescued from the hands of LRA.
I a just commenting hoping that this is not a UN stunt to make 'us' feel good. But these should also make us more aware if the potential of these children.
And policy makers especially in Uganda now more than ever must put in place policy for rehabilitation of these kids in northern Uganda.
Below is the report.
http://www.rnw.nl/internationaljustice/specials/ChildrenandWar/tswi-080725-child-soldiers
According to UNICEF, the United Nations Children's Fund, over
three hundred thousand child soldiers around the world are fighting.
These boys and girls under the age of 18 are often kidnapped and forced
to commit atrocious acts of violence against civilians. As one may
expect, the psychological toll is great for these adolescents. Many are
not able to return home after the conflict ends and some develop
disorders, making it difficult for them to integrate back into society.
Recent studies show, however, that former child soldiers are actually more likely to participate politically and socially than their peers who experienced violence, albeit not as soldiers. It is a striking discovery. These young people come home from the war, often after having served in roles of authority, and look for ways in peacetime to be politically active and help their local community.
While lasting mental damage has been done to these former soldiers, researchers are encouraged by signs that the teenagers often are able to overcome these traumatic experiences and contribute at home.
Northern Uganda was the site of a particularly vicious civil war where the Lord's Resistance Army kidnapped thousands of children and used them to attack government forces, raid villages and plunder the countryside. The State Were In's Eric Beauchemin talked with some former child soldier survivors who have returned home. One ex-soldier speaks of forced marches, where he and others were used to tote heavy loads across long distances with little rest.
"Some of the abductees were killed on the way. Some would try to escape and when they were caught, they were killed immediately."
Rather quick integration
Stories like these abound in Northern Uganda where fighting has ceased
for the time being. It is difficult to understand how children, often
as young as nine or ten, could hope to lead functional and productive
lives after being exposed to such horrific violence. However, as New
York University professor Jeannie Annan explains, she learned from
field research in Uganda that former child soldiers are often able to
return home and integrate back into a non-violent life rather quickly.
"Many of [the child soldiers] were doing surprising well. I was surprised over and over again at the resilience, not only by the child soldiers, but also by many in the region. I thought this usual sense that all of these children are a lost generation or are broken and can't be repaired didn't seem to be the story that I was seeing all the time."
Civic participation
The role of a home community is often the most important factor as to
whether a former child soldier can adapt and become an engaged member
of their society in peacetime.
In Uganda, Professor Annan and others noticed that there was a high level of acceptance for former soldiers who renounced violence and wanted to return home. She notes that many of the teenagers crave a return to a life of normalcy.
"The majority of them are trying to find ways to go back to school or start a small business in order to survive. And the majority are being supported by their families and are able to have relationships with peers and family."If the former child soldiers do find a welcoming and nurturing environment when they return home from the war, Professor Annan's research shows that their levels of civic participation, especially politically, are higher than peers who did not fight.
"Those who had been abducted, who had fought or who had played some role with the Lord's Resistance Army were actually more likely to vote, and they were more likely to be some kind of community mobilizer or an elected leader in the community."
Salaam to all my Muslim friends. It's Eid and am at work but thats the life of a journalist. I wanted to share my article published by IWPR about the War crimes court in Kampala. It's a scrutiny of the court.
http://www.iwpr.net/?p=acr&s=f&o=346910&apc_state=henh ICC - Africa Update |
||
| Uganda |
Kampala War Crimes Court Under Scrutiny
Critics point out major flaws in new judicial body – an apparent attempt to circumvent International Criminal Court.
By Rosebell Kagumire in Kampala (AR No. 188, 29-Sep-08)
The first moves to create Uganda’s first war crimes court have generated controversy and doubts about its credibility and purpose.In May, three judges were quietly named to a special Ugandan tribunal intended to put Joseph Kony and other top commanders of the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army, LRA, on trial for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The commitment to create the court was contained in the reconciliation and accountability annex to the peace agreement negotiated early this year between the Uganda government and the LRA.
The annex was signed by the government and the LRA on February 19 in Juba, the capital of South Sudan. The final agreement, two years in negotiations, remains unsigned.
How Kony and the LRA commanders will be tried, either by this special Uganda court or the International Criminal Court, ICC, in The Hague, remains the major stumbling block to further negotiations.
Kony and two of his top commanders face ICC charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity for their role in the rebel war that consumed northern Uganda from 1986 to 2006. The charges focus on events in 2003 and 2004, considered to be the most intense years of conflict.
Kony has vowed not to sign the deal until the ICC indictments are lifted, which the ICC has shown it is not prepared to do. However, some close to Kony have suggested that he may be willing to face a Ugandan court on the charges.
The annex agreement indicated that court would address serious crimes and human rights violations of the past two decades in northern Uganda. This includes crimes allegedly committed by the Ugandan army as well as the LRA.
Launched in May, the court still lacks an office or a courtroom, or a budget and the other necessities, and this has sparked worries.
“We are in a formative stage,” explained one of the judges, who agreed to talk to IWPR only if his anonymity was guaranteed. “We put up the court to kind of break the [deadlock] to show [that] we are ready whenever everyone [else] in this matter is.”
But the court has a long way to go, agreed the judge.
“We’re not ready to try anybody,” he said. “We don’t know even whether investigations into the crimes that we’re to try have started.”
If the court is to be effective, police must be trained to investigate war crimes, continued the judge. Likewise, prosecutors and defense lawyers need to be trained on how to prosecute and defend the accused.
The major stumbling block facing the court is that no one knows what kind of crimes will be handled because the Ugandan parliament has not adopted laws on prosecuting genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity – the crimes currently covered by the ICC.
“We have no law yet,” said the judge, “which means we don’t know what crimes the court will handle and which people shall be arraigned.”
Caleb Alaka, a Kampala lawyer who has represented Kony and the LRA, said the special Ugandan court was created as an alternative to putting Kony on trial in The Hague.
"The creation of this court came about because it was a way to subvert the ICC,” Alaka told IWPR.
He criticised the Ugandan judiciary for appointing the court without the necessary legislation to support it.
"With all due respect, the judiciary rushed to set up this court,” said Alaka. “They can't even define a war crime or how the hearing will be conducted."
Sentencing guidelines are lacking, yet crucial if the court is to be a success, he said. The problem is that the ICC does now allow execution of convicted criminals, but Ugandan law does.
Alaka said the special court should be independent and not a branch of the Uganda’s supreme court –
which will require a constitutional change.
Alaka criticised the court for lacking an appeals process and insisted that it should put Ugandan army officers on trial as well, not just the LRA.
"There are two parties in the conflict,” said Alaka. “If it is to be regarded as a war crimes court and to be fair, it must cut across all parties. You can't say [Ugandan] officers implicated will be tried by the military court."
Ugandan president Yoweri Museveni, however, has refused to agree to this, saying that the army’s courts martial system is sufficient to handle the prosecution of crimes among its ranks.
Likewise, the ICC has indicated that it will not pursue crimes allegedly committed by the Uganda army because they don’t compare in severity to those of the LRA.
Not all agree.
Amnesty International released a report in March that criticised the exclusion of Ugandan soldiers from the court’s jurisdiction.
“The international crimes committed by armed forces shouldn’t be tried by the military courts since they took place during the conflict,” said the report. “You can’t try crimes committed parties in the conflict in different courts.”
Ugandan army soldiers have been accused of rape, forced displacement, murder and use of child soldiers.
Morris Ogenga Latigo, leader of political opposition to Museveni in parliament, said that the purpose of the peace talks was to end the rebel war and begin reconciliation, not pursue retribution.
“To have this special court is basically a manoeuvre by the government to get Kony to give in to the peace agreement,” charged Latigo.
“[The] government was stuck with the ICC, and it sees this court as the only way to show they don’t accept impunity.”
Because as the final peace agreement has not been signed by the LRA or the government, Latigo said it may be too early to pass laws that would regulate the court.
“We cannot legislate in anticipation,” said Latigo. “The legal process will only commence once there’s a peace agreement in place.”
Judging from recent attacks attributed to the LRA, which is now holed up in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Latigo doubted that the agreement would be signed any time soon.
The LRA recently abducted an estimated 90 school children from Duru, a community close to the LRA’s base, and also attacked a military outpost of the South Sudan army.
This prompted Ugandan state minister for defense, Ruth Nankabirwa, to say that Uganda would no longer agree to press the ICC to withdraw the warrants against the LRA commanders.
The Ugandan government has not formally made such a request, although a delegation from the LRA traveled to The Hague earlier this year and asked the ICC to withdraw the indictments.
"These attacks have proven that the LRA is not serious about pursuing the comprehensive peace agreement that both government and the rebels are to sign," said Nankabirwa.
"Of course we are going ahead to implement parts of the peace agreement, especially resettling people living in internally displaced people's camps back to their villages."
Latigo, however, said that what the LRA did was nothing new and should not change previous government positions regarding the peace agreement.
“What the LRA did in the Congo is what they have done for years in Uganda, and therefore doesn’t change the basis of negotiations,” he said.
“It makes no sense for a minister whose government is still hoping Kony signs a peace deal to engage in such extreme outrage.”
Rosebell Kagumire is an IWPR-trained journalist.
The “Global Investigative Network” steering committee, which met in Lillehammer last October has mandated Geneva to host the 6th Global Investigative Journalism Conference.
We have already started working hard and we are really excited to welcome you all in the Leman Lake region. A final date will be given soon, and the Conference will definitely take place in April 2010.You’ll find out by yourself how charming and beautiful Geneva can be.
Located on the shore of the biggest sweet water lake in Europe, Geneva lies at the heart of a beautiful landscape between the Alps and the Lake. It’s a small city, which looks like a capital city with a dynamic cultural life and a entertaining nightlife.
Geneva is also at the heart of Europe, at the crossroads of the Latin and Anglo-Saxon cultures, with more than 44% of the population of different nationalities. Moreover, Geneva has a long tradition of being the headquarters of the UN as well as other international organizations, including UNHCR, UNCTAD, IOM, WTO, ILO to name just a few. It boasts a very convenient airport serving all continents and also a hub for low cost airline companies.
For accommodation purposes, we will suggest different kinds of hotels and assist our guests to find an accommodation which fits their budget.
Of course, we have already started to work on our panels program. Due to general demand, we will certainly focus on banking and financial issues such as;
- How to access the mysterious Swiss banking system?
- How to investigate the banking institutions here in Geneva?
We will try to unveil the famous Swiss bank secrets.
Some of you have expressed the wish to take advantage of Switzerland, being the headquarters of most sport international organizations and the IOC in order to go deeper into contacts and tools to investigate sport related stories. That is going to be one of our focuses during the conference. We hope as well to take an advantage of Geneva and its international organizations to provide new and original tools to investigate the UN world.
The success of this 6th edition of our Conference will also depend of your input. As soon as early 2009, we are going to be online with a complete web site of the Conference, where your suggestions of panels and panelists will be precious. In the meantime, you’ll find all information related to the Conference on the “Swiss Investigative Journalists” website: www.swissinvestigation.net.
We will provide you with updated information and
advances concerning possible grants to participants as soon as
possible. We are already pleased to announce that we have secured at
this stage more than 70 grants
It was last Saturday as I handed in to the the independent editor my las story of the week. I saw this breaking news that South Africa president Thabo Mbeki had resigned. It was a bit shocking but having followed event it wasn't much.
SO I had to write a brief analysis of the resignation. My first point of reference was that was good thing for South Africa. And it reflected the level of democracy that is absent in other beloved African countries.
Then my mind raced fast, that the man was actually on way to New York for the UN general assembly and I wondered what Robert Mugabe was thinking of . this is a man who was left him to lead Zimbabwe into a crisis and also helped the two Zimbabwean parties reached a late deal.
But back in South Africa Mbeki had a hazy legacy left behind. A man who had his own way of approaching the HIV/AIDS pand
emic did little to reduce its spread.He was acccused of political interference to try and bring his rival Zuma down through lofty charges. But was it in any other African country Mbeki would have succeeded in bringing Zuma down and emerging as the real hero.
Then it would be almost unimaginable for a party for instance the NRM in Uganda to take a decision to call on the president to resign.
With all his faults, I have one thing about Mbeki that is unforgotable. That speech - I AM AN AFRICAN.
Here it is:
On an occasion such as this, we should, perhaps, start from the beginning.
So, let me begin.
I am an African.
I owe my being to the hills and the valleys, the mountains and the glades, the rivers, the deserts, the trees, the flowers, the seas and the ever-changing seasons that define the face of our native land.
My body has frozen in our frosts and in our latter day snows. It has thawed in the warmth of our sunshine and melted in the heat of the midday sun. The crack and the rumble of the summer thunders, lashed by startling lightening, have been a cause both of trembling and of hope.
The fragrances of nature have been as pleasant to us as the sight of the wild blooms of the citizens of the veld.
The dramatic shapes of the Drakensberg, the soil-coloured waters of the Lekoa, iGqili noThukela, and the sands of the Kgalagadi, have all been panels of the set on the natural stage on which we act out the foolish deeds of the theatre of our day.
At times, and in fear, I have wondered whether I should concede equal citizenship of our country to the leopard and the lion, the elephant and the springbok, the hyena, the black mamba and the pestilential mosquito.
A human presence among all these, a feature on the face of our native land thus defined, I know that none dare challenge me when I say - I am an African!
I owe my being to the Khoi and the San whose desolate souls haunt the great expanses of the beautiful Cape - they who fell victim to the most merciless genocide our native land has ever seen, they who were the first to lose their lives in the struggle to defend our freedom and dependence and they who, as a people, perished in the result.
Today, as a country, we keep an audible silence about these ancestors of the generations that live, fearful to admit the horror of a former deed, seeking to obliterate from our memories a cruel occurrence which, in its remembering, should teach us not and never to be inhuman again.
I am formed of the migrants who left Europe to find a new home on our native land. Whatever their own actions, they remain still, part of me.
In my veins courses the blood of the Malay slaves who came from the East. Their proud dignity informs my bearing, their culture a part of my essence. The stripes they bore on their bodies from the lash of the slave master are a reminder embossed on my consciousness of what should not be done.
I am the grandchild of the warrior men and women that Hintsa and Sekhukhune led, the patriots that Cetshwayo and Mphephu took to battle, the soldiers Moshoeshoe and Ngungunyane taught never to dishonour the cause of freedom.
My mind and my knowledge of myself is formed by the victories that are the jewels in our African crown, the victories we earned from Isandhlwana to Khartoum, as Ethiopians and as the Ashanti of Ghana, as the Berbers of the desert.
I am the grandchild who lays fresh flowers on the Boer graves at St Helena and the Bahamas, who sees in the mind's eye and suffers the suffering of a simple peasant folk, death, concentration camps, destroyed homesteads, a dream in ruins.
I am the child of Nongqause. I am he who made it possible to trade in the world markets in diamonds, in gold, in the same food for which my stomach yearns.
I come of those who were transported from India and China, whose being resided in the fact, solely, that they were able to provide physical labour, who taught me that we could both be at home and be foreign, who taught me that human existence itself demanded that freedom was a necessary condition for that human existence.
Being part of all these people, and in the knowledge that none dare contest that assertion, I shall claim that - I am an African.
I have seen our country torn asunder as these, all of whom are my people, engaged one another in a titanic battle, the one redress a wrong that had been caused by one to another and the other, to defend the indefensible.
I have seen what happens when one person has superiority of force over another, when the stronger appropriate to themselves the prerogative even to annul the injunction that God created all men and women in His image.
I know what if signifies when race and colour are used to determine who is human and who, sub-human.
I have seen the destruction of all sense of self-esteem, the consequent striving to be what one is not, simply to acquire some of the benefits which those who had improved themselves as masters had ensured that they enjoy.
I have experience of the situation in which race and colour is used to enrich some and impoverish the rest.
I have seen the corruption of minds and souls in the pursuit of an ignoble effort to perpetrate a veritable crime against humanity.
I have seen concrete expression of the denial of the dignity of a human being emanating from the conscious, systemic and systematic oppressive and repressive activities of other human beings.
There the victims parade with no mask to hide the brutish reality - the beggars, the prostitutes, the street children, those who seek solace in substance abuse, those who have to steal to assuage hunger, those who have to lose their sanity because to be sane is to invite pain.
Perhaps the worst among these, who are my people, are those who have learnt to kill for a wage. To these the extent of death is directly proportional to their personal welfare.
And so, like pawns in the service of demented souls, they kill in furtherance of the political violence in KwaZulu-Natal. They murder the innocent in the taxi wars.
They kill slowly or quickly in order to make profits from the illegal trade in narcotics. They are available for hire when husband wants to murder wife and wife, husband.
Among us prowl the products of our immoral and amoral past - killers who have no sense of the worth of human life, rapists who have absolute disdain for the women of our country, animals who would seek to benefit from the vulnerability of the children, the disabled and the old, the rapacious who brook no obstacle in their quest for self-enrichment.
All this I know and know to be true because I am an African!
Because of that, I am also able to state this fundamental truth that I am born of a people who are heroes and heroines.
I am born of a people who would not tolerate oppression.
I am of a nation that would not allow that fear of death, torture, imprisonment, exile or persecution should result in the perpetuation of injustice.
The great masses who are our mother and father will not permit that the behaviour of the few results in the description of our country and people as barbaric.
Patient because history is on their side, these masses do not despair because today the weather is bad. Nor do they turn triumphalist when, tomorrow, the sun shines.
Whatever the circumstances they have lived through and because of that experience, they are determined to define for themselves who they are and who they should be.
We are assembled here today to mark their victory in acquiring and exercising their right to formulate their own definition of what it means to be African.
The constitution whose adoption we celebrate constitutes and unequivocal statement that we refuse to accept that our Africanness shall be defined by our race, colour, gender of historical origins.
It is a firm assertion made by ourselves that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.
It gives concrete expression to the sentiment we share as Africans, and will defend to the death, that the people shall govern.
It recognises the fact that the dignity of the individual is both an objective which society must pursue, and is a goal which cannot be separated from the material well-being of that individual.
It seeks to create the situation in which all our people shall be free from fear, including the fear of the oppression of one national group by another, the fear of the disempowerment of one social echelon by another, the fear of the use of state power to deny anybody their fundamental human rights and the fear of tyranny.
It aims to open the doors so that those who were disadvantaged can assume their place in society as equals with their fellow human beings without regard to colour, race, gender, age or geographic dispersal.
It provides the opportunity to enable each one and all to state their views, promote them, strive for their implementation in the process of governance without fear that a contrary view will be met with repression.
It creates a law-governed society which shall be inimical to arbitrary rule.
It enables the resolution of conflicts by peaceful means rather than resort to force.
It rejoices in the diversity of our people and creates the space for all of us voluntarily to define ourselves as one people.
As an African, this is an achievement of which I am proud, proud without reservation and proud without any feeling of conceit.
Our sense of elevation at this moment also derives from the fact that this magnificent product is the unique creation of African hands and African minds.
Bit it is also constitutes a tribute to our loss of vanity that we could, despite the temptation to treat ourselves as an exceptional fragment of humanity, draw on the accumulated experience and wisdom of all humankind, to define for ourselves what we want to be.
Together with the best in the world, we too are prone to pettiness, petulance, selfishness and short-sightedness.
But it seems to have happened that we looked at ourselves and said the time had come that we make a super-human effort to be other than human, to respond to the call to create for ourselves a glorious future, to remind ourselves of the Latin saying: Gloria est consequenda - Glory must be sought after!
Today it feels good to be an African.
It feels good that I can stand here as a South African and as a foot soldier of a titanic African army, the African National Congress, to say to all the parties represented here, to the millions who made an input into the processes we are concluding, to our outstanding compatriots who have presided over the birth of our founding document, to the negotiators who pitted their wits one against the other, to the unseen stars who shone unseen as the management and administration of the Constitutional Assembly, the advisers, experts and publicists, to the mass communication media, to our friends across the globe - congratulations and well done!
I am an African.
I am born of the peoples of the continent of Africa.
The pain of the violent conflict that the peoples of Liberia, Somalia, the Sudan, Burundi and Algeria is a pain I also bear.
The dismal shame of poverty, suffering and human degradation of my continent is a blight that we share.
The blight on our happiness that derives from this and from our drift to the periphery of the ordering of human affairs leaves us in a persistent shadow of despair.
This is a savage road to which nobody should be condemned.
This thing that we have done today, in this small corner of a great continent that has contributed so decisively to the evolution of humanity says that Africa reaffirms that she is continuing her rise from the ashes.
Whatever
the setbacks of the moment, nothing can stop us now!
Whatever the difficulties, Africa shall be at peace!
However improbable it may sound to the sceptics, Africa will prosper!
Whoever we may be, whatever our immediate interest, however much we carry baggage from our past, however much we have been caught by the fashion of cynicism and loss of faith in the capacity of the people, let us err today and say - nothing can stop us now!
Thank you
Stories out today that Pyongyang could rsume it's nuclear ambitions and the White House is disappointed. Iran is being urged to stop it's nuclear plants. And who are 'threatened' America, Isreal and other super powers.
Africa has no single nuclear plant and if we were to anayse who faces the most threat it's it's this continent. We may no expose the fact that Africa will do anything for the superpowers becuase after all they are super but the fact that if it went against that it's doomed.
In the end African countries have tended to move back en forth, from communism, capitalism, and the 'democratisation' gospel to please these powers.
But I kind of believe if North Korea and Iran and other countries which wanted to have nuclear power could do so , so that at one time this talk ends.
It's the countries that have these plants that are most afriad becuse they know how lethal they can be. So who decides if u can have weapons or not. I beleive some of the careless ventures the US has taken in the last decade are becuase they have the military might.SO when the US lies that Saddam has WMD and it turns out he didn't why worry about those that accept they have the weapons? Lets have more nuclear plants may be the world will be more stable.
ttp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/sep/25/korea.nuclear
Stories out today that Pyongyang could rsume it's nuclear ambitions and the White House is disappointed. Iran is being urged to stop it's nuclear plants. And who are 'threatened' America, Isreal and other super powers.
Africa has no single nuclear plant and if we were to anayse who faces the most threat it's it's this continent. We may no expose the fact that Africa will do anything for the superpowers becuase after all they are super but the fact that if it went against that it's doomed.
In the end African countries have tended to move back en forth, from communism, capitalism, and the 'democratisation' gospel to please these powers.
But I kind of believe if North Korea and Iran and other countries which wanted to have nuclear power could do so , so that at one time this talk ends.
It's the countries that have these plants that are most afriad becuse they know how lethal they can be. So who decides if u can have weapons or not. I beleive some of the careless ventures the US has taken in the last decade are becuase they have the military might.SO when the US lies that Saddam has WMD and it turns out he didn't why worry about those that accept they have the weapons? Lets have more nuclear plants may be the world will be more stable.
ttp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/sep/25/korea.nuclear
Solomon Adebayor is s reporter for the Abuja based Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria. We met at the Global Investigative journalism conference in Lillehammer, Norway.
We had sensation on challenges facing African Investigative journalist and he summed it up in this radio story.
The Global investigative journalism conference in Norway ended on September 14th with lots of lessons to learn from. I was first of all touched by Sami Elhaj's story. This is a Sudanese Aljazeera Cameraman who was detained by the US at Guantanamo for 6 years -not out of mistaken identity but with hope that Sami could be their link to the world's most wanted man Osam Bin laden. On the day Sami was arrested near the Pakistani border, Aljazeera had broadcast an interview of Bin Laden and the US soldiers were out to get the cameraman that had filmed the interview hoping he had a clue of the whereabouts of Bin Laden and Sami was the sacrificial lamb, according to Sami.
He didn' t know he was in Guantanamo until like a year. He was able to talk to a lawyer after four years in detention. But what is more important is that Sami didn't despair. He used his time in jail well, talking to fellow inmates. I spoke to Sami and when I said I was from Uganda, he said told me about two Ugandan boys who were confined with him at Guantanamo- most likely their parents have no idea where they were. Sami became a good contact for lawyers to expose what really went on in Guantanamo. The tortures, the inhuman treatment and shameless acts by the US soldiers.
"Their aim was to make you lose your dignity. They knew my point of weakness.-my son," said Elhaj. They knew I could do anything to save my son and they used that.
In one troubling case was one Afghan man who was confined with his child. Apparently he was arrested while on the way to hospital where he was taking his sick son.
Elhaj's story never saw the light in western media and let's face it he was a 'nobody' to their audience but isn't one of the roles of media shaping public opinion?
Now Sami is the producer for a new program on Aljazeera, Liberties and Human Rights affairs which will cover the globe. Today Aljazeera is not allowed to broadcast in America. Yes, every media has it's short comings but freedom of press comes at a cost and I don't think the cost is equal or rivals that of the absence of that freedom.
Aljazeera no doubt has changed the world's view of the Arab world. At least everyday for us who can watch Aljazeera on our TV screens see the daily struggles people go through.
It's not the picture that most western media painted the middle east or even Africa. From Aljazeera we seen struggles of all human beings. it's beginning and the coverage of the Iraqi war may not have pleased the Americans ( government) but hey, it's called a war and we don't expect it to be easy or pleasing.
The American troops have twice bombed Aljazeera buildings and two Aljazeera journalists have been killed one of them I remember Tarrik who was killed in Baghdad. All this done by a nation that calls itself a democracy or even civilised.
For me one lesson from Aljazeera is, it has shaped opinion both in and outside Middle East . And until Africa has it's own media machinery that shows the world that we are not just a world of hunger, disease and despair, Africa will continue to seen as that- at least in the minds of many outside Africa.
Take for instance, I met a friend from East Timor (Gil) at this conference and he told me he had seen a little bit of your country from this movie. Before he could name it, I said the Last King of Scotland and that's what he knew about.
If there was a good African TV channel that broadcast around the Globe may be he would know that Uganda is one of the largest sweet potatoes growers in the world (even if we don't export it) or may be he would know that Uganda specifically Tororo is in the book of records as having the most
thunderstorms and lightening strikes in the worldwide, seeing them on an average of 251 days per year. Then I stop and think oh, may be if these strikes killed people then Uganda would be know -again for the negative reason.
So from all the stories and lessons, Sami's story for me was outstanding and hope that we will continue to deliver the truth no matter what.
And of course big ups to Sonali Samarasinghe whose work to reveal misuse of power and corruption in Sri Lanka made her the second winner of the Global Shining Light Award.
U.S. adds African rebel leader to terrorist list
KAMPALA, Uganda — In an apparent response to calls for increased international pressure on the Lord's Resistance Army, the United States has added Ugandan rebel leader Joseph Kony to its list of known sponsors of terrorism. Late last month, Kony's name was added to the list of "specially designated global terrorists." The move means American citizens are banned from dealing with Kony. It also freezes any assets held by Kony or the LRA in U.S. financial institutions.
The list was created in 2001 as part of the United States' war on terrorism and is maintained by the Office of Foreign Assets Control, an agency of the U.S. Treasury Department. The list includes thousands of individuals and organizations around the world that may have funds in the United States or do business with American organizations.
This isn't the first time the United States has designated Kony and the LRA as a terrorist threat. In 2004, Washington placed the LRA on Terrorist Exclusion List, meaning that the State Department had determined that while the group did not pose a direct threat to the United States, it was engaged in terrorist activities in its home region.
While the latest designation is largely symbolic and depends on international cooperation to be effective, it could directly affect a clandestine network of LRA supporters located around the world, some of whom are said to live in the United States.
The existence of such a network came to the fore in April, after Kony refused to sign a cease-fire agreement with the Ugandan government, apparently at the behest of his organization's overseas supporters.
This network has long been rumored to exist, but came to the fore in April after Kony failed to sign a negotiated peace deal with the Ugandan government to end 20 years of war.
At the time, LRA spokesman David Matsanga said Kony refused to sign at the request of supporters and financiers located in Europe and elsewhere.
Subsequently, local leaders in northern Uganda, including district official Walter Ochora, reportedly gathered a list of foreign supporters of the LRA and turned it over to international authorities.
David Matsanga, a spokesman for the LRA, immediately protested the addition of Kony's name to the least. He said that the imposition of such sanctions showed that the United States was not sincere in its desire for a peace deal in northern Uganda and ultimately would fail.
"Kony has no property and he doesn't intend to [acquire any] in the near future," Matsanga said. "These sanctions show that Americans are ignorant of the progress towards securing a final peace deal." He added that Kony's inclusion on the list would actually make peace negotiations more complicated, since the Ugandan government had agreed to help report the LRA from the list of international terrorist groups once a peace agreement was signed. ???? But the United States apparently had come to the conclusion that such a peace deal was unlikely to be signed anytime soon.
Since failing to show up to sign a negotiated settlement first in April and again in May, Kony has repeatedly asked for peace talks to resume, but has broken appointments set for meetings.
Meanwhile, the chief Ugandan government negotiator, Ruhakana Rugunda, praised the sanctions, calling them "a positive step to ensure the conflict is ended peacefully." Rugunda, who is also Ugandan interior minister, said the sanctions would put pressure on the rebel leader to sign the deal.
"We finished the talks and all we are waiting for is Kony's signature and disarmament," he said.
He said the U.S. sanctions showed that "the only way Kony can acquit himself from terrorism is [to] submit himself to Uganda's [planned] special war-crimes court." While all sides agreed that such a court should be created to deal with the 20 years of violence that left thousands dead and tens of thousands homeless, its actual establishment remains in doubt since Uganda has yet to create the legal format for such a judicial tribunal.
Nor has Uganda resolved its dispute with the International Criminal Court, which is also seeking to try Kony and his top commanders on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Kony alone faces 33 counts.
The rebel leader is currently with his army in the Garamba National Park in the northeast Democratic Republic of the Congo, where he communicates with the outside world by satellite phone.
Rugunda said he did not think the sanctions would prevent his government from asking the U.N. Security Council to drop the ICC warrants if and when Kony signs a peace deal.
"The agreement was clear," Rugunda said. "We as a government will bring Kony to a Ugandan court and the ICC warrants won't apply any more, and such sanctions will only help us in convincing Kony to surrender himself and end the conflict peacefully." As recently as this spring, however, the ICC asked for an end to the international relief effort that has allowed Kony and his militia to survive while the peace process is ongoing. It wanted to force Kony to sign a peace deal so and then be brought to trial in The Hague, not Uganda.
Kony has maintained that he wants a guarantee that he will be tried in a Ugandan court, rather than at the ICC.
Whether the latest U.S. action will make peace and a trial at either venue more likely is anyone's guess.
ABOUT THE WRITER
Rosebell Kagumire is a reporter in Uganda who writes for The Institute for War & Peace Reporting, a nonprofit organization that trains journalists in areas of conflict. Readers may write to the author at the Institute for War & Peace Reporting, 48 Grays Inn Road, London WC1X 8LT, U.K.; Web site: www.iwpr.net. For information about IWPR's funding, please go to http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?top-supporters.html.
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